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Subject: Re: Do you condemn Hamas?
Date: Fri, 7 Jun 2024 02:18:44 +0200 (GMT+02:00)
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Sharx335 <sharx35@telus.net> Wrote in message:r
> On 2024-06-06 3:27 p.m., NefeshBarYochai wrote:> This question became see=
mingly ubiquitous following October 7. As> Palestinians defied the imaginat=
ion, breaking out of Gaza after over a> decade and a half of living under t=
otal air, land, and sea blockade,> many found themselves having to face thi=
s question.> > Whether it be from Zionists using the violence we witnessed =
on that> day as a means of creating story after story of atrocity propagand=
a =E2=80=94> to force well-meaning allies into a corner or even those who g=
enuinely> considered themselves pro-Palestine who struggled with the realit=
y of> decolonial violence =E2=80=94 the question of whether or not Palestin=
ian armed> resistance factions deserved support or criticism became a major=
 point> of contention. It was easy for many to support the cause of> Palest=
inian liberation when they viewed Palestinians as perfect> victims, but whe=
n Palestinians fought back, suddenly the question of> solidarity became mud=
dled.> > Months later, after tens of thousands of Palestinians have been> m=
urdered by Israeli Occupation Forces in Gaza amid an ongoing> genocide, and=
 after thousands in the West Bank have found themselves> imprisoned or unde=
r regular attack, sympathy for those resisting their> own annihilation has =
grown, with the conversation becoming more clear> than it was in the days p=
roceeding October 7. As videos spread by> resistance factions across Gaza a=
nd Lebanon find a regular and> enthusiastic audience and chants in support =
of those putting their> lives on the line take root in protests nationwide,=
 it is clear many> have grown to accept the necessity of armed struggle in =
the> Palestinian context, though a true consensus has yet to be achieved.> =
> To that end, the answer to the question =E2=80=9CDo you condemn Hamas?,=
=E2=80=9D> particularly for those of us on the Left as we analyze the histo=
ry of> Palestine and why resistance occurs in a colonial context, should ha=
ve> always been clear.> > A violent phenomenon> > As Frantz Fanon=E2=80=99s=
 oft-cited statement from Wretched of the Earth has> made clear, national l=
iberation, national reawakening, restoration of> the nation to the Commonwe=
alth, whatever the name used, whatever the> latest expression =E2=80=94 dec=
olonization is always a violent event.> Palestine is not an exception to th=
is reality.> > The colonization of Palestine by Zionists, like all colonial=
ism> throughout history, brought with it widespread and constant violence> =
levied in all forms against the Palestinian people. This was by> design, as=
 the very nature of settler colonialism is a necessarily> brutal one given =
the end goal of the wholesale elimination of the> Indigenous population in =
all forms but nostalgia. This violence does> not simply manifest itself thr=
ough the military campaigns waged by> Zionist settlers and the Israeli occu=
pation army, but through every> part of the colonial endeavor itself =E2=80=
=94 an endeavor that can only be> sustained through the suffering, exploita=
tion, repression, and death> of Palestinians and all else that the colony w=
ishes to conquer.> > Palestinians, whether in Occupied Palestine, in refuge=
e camps in> bordering nations, or in the diaspora around the world, are for=
ced> every single day to wrestle with the reality of this settler colonial>=
 violence. The very existence of the Zionist project poses an> existential =
threat to the lives of millions, who have in some cruel> twist of reality b=
een deemed existential threats by the project for> the simple reason that t=
heir existence undermines its legitimacy.> > This violence does not occur w=
ithout resistance. Throughout history,> whether it be in Algeria, South Afr=
ica, Ireland, or Palestine,> colonized people have risen up in the face of =
brutal violence to free> themselves from the shackles of their own oppressi=
on. This resistance> does not generally start as armed struggle, but throug=
h civil> disobedience, protests, general strikes, and similar tactics. Yet =
when> these tactics fail, as they often have, or when exceptional violence>=
 is waged against the people in response, armed struggle becomes a> necessi=
ty.> > The colonial power, its legitimacy owed solely to the force it> unde=
rtakes to maintain its existence, creates the conditions for the> resistanc=
e that will rise against it. The more violence and repression> colonized pe=
ople face, the more they resist. Violent resistance> becomes mainstream out=
 of sheer necessity given their material> conditions. This creates a cycle =
of violence, one perpetuated first> and foremost by the violence of the col=
onial entity itself.> > Even before the official foundation of the Zionist =
project in 1948,> this cycle was well established. The Balfour Declaration =
came into> existence in 1917, signifying Britain=E2=80=99s official endorse=
ment of> Zionist aspirations. By 1929, a fifth of Palestinians found themse=
lves> landless. By the 1930s, many Palestinians found themselves unemployed=
> and economically destitute, as Zionist capital, backed by favorable> impe=
rial British laws and treatment, began flowing ever more> intensively into =
Palestine, according to Ghassan Kanafani=E2=80=99s seminal> work on the 193=
6 Great Palestinian Revolt.> > These factors spurred resistance of their ow=
n variety, including the> Buraq Uprising of 1929, efforts by Palestinians t=
o pool resources to> purchase land, sporadic violence, as well as Palestini=
an notables> lobbying for better treatment from their British overlords. Th=
is blend> of violent and non-violent efforts would all be suppressed or> ul=
timately met with limited success.> > In 1936, when British forces murdered=
 Syrian revolutionary figure> Shaykh =E2=80=98Izz al-Din al-Qassam, Palesti=
nian popular resentment turned> into a general strike, and ultimately into =
popular revolt, which was> put down brutally by Zionist and British forces =
by 1939. Only a few> years later, Zionists would ethnically cleanse more th=
an 750,000> Palestinians from upwards of 530 cities, towns, and villages an=
d kill> thousands more in what Palestinians refer to as the Nakba, or the> =
=E2=80=9Ccatastrophe=E2=80=9D. These ethnic cleansing campaigns continue up=
 to the> modern day.> > Palestinians would rise up as a result of the subju=
gation they faced,> again through a combination of violent and non-violent =
struggle that> would be met with even more violent oppression. When Palesti=
nians> waged cross-border raids into occupied territory, they were met with=
 a> Zionist invasion in Lebanon and massacres at Sabra and Shatila. When> P=
alestinians rose up during the First and Second Intifadas, they were> met w=
ith violent crackdowns, mass arrests, and widespread violence> that would l=
ead to the intensification of their own violent resistance> efforts. When P=
alestinians in Gaza took to marching to the wall that> surrounded them in t=
he March of Great Return, hundreds were killed and> thousands more injured =
by Israeli soldiers. The cycle of violence> continued and intensified.> > F=
ast forwarding to today, Palestinians continue to live in bantustans> in th=
e West Bank, and what could functionally be described as a> concentration c=
amp in Gaza, with Palestinians in the 1948 and 1967> territories living und=
er brutal apartheid management structures. They> have resisted every step o=
f the way, each time seeing thousands> imprisoned, murdered, displaced, and=
 millions utterly subjugated and> exploited as the Zionist project continue=
s toward the ultimate goal of> eliminating them in all forms but nostalgia.=
> > When armed struggle becomes material necessity> > In the face of all of=
 this violence, armed resistance organizations> have risen up and establish=
ed themselves amongst the people, whether> they be Fatah, the PFLP, the DFL=
P, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, Hamas,> or others. These groups, and the viol=
ence they employ, did not come to> exist in a vacuum. Rather, they are the =
result of decades of brutal> colonial violence, and the culmination of Pale=
stinian efforts to> liberate themselves from it.> > The tactics they employ=
 on the ground are the culmination of this same> struggle. These groups cho=
se to undergo operations they determined may> advance their liberatory stru=
ggle. Many outside of Palestine, and even> Palestinians themselves, may hav=
e disagreements with these tactics, or> on a grander scale, disagreements w=
ith the core principles and> ideologies of one or several of the groups dep=
loying them. For those> of us in the Western Left, however, removed from th=
e reality of> on-the-ground struggle, this cannot mean that we undermine th=
e very> legitimacy of armed struggle itself.> > Hamas is a key example of t=
his. Like them or not, the efforts they> have waged and continue to wage ha=
ve made more of a material impact> toward the liberation of Palestine than =
anything any of us in the West> will ever make. They are taking on the brut=
al violence of colonial> power and waging a campaign of armed struggle that=
 has, at the current> moment, with coordination with other resistance facti=
ons, made the> Zionist colony more of a pariah than it has ever been on a g=
lobal> stage and shattered the image of military invincibility and overall>=
 stability it has spent decades cultivating. Countless years of> struggle h=
ave culminated in this flashpoint.> > The path forward, as history has repe=
atedly shown, will be largely> forged through the armed struggle of resista=
nce factions on the> ground. Their very survival depends on it, and it cont=
inues to> challenge and erode the power of the Zionist entity itself.> > Pa=
lestinian armed resistance has forced the Zionist project to wage an> incre=
asingly violent campaign that is sharpening contradictions in> such a way a=
s to lead to its continued unraveling. As the masses in> the imperial core,=
 specifically those of the United States, come to> realize that their inter=
ests are at odds with the interests of the> Zionist project and their gover=
nment leaders who are sustaining the> project=E2=80=99s ongoing genocide, t=
he traditional support base the project> relies on has eroded. In its place=
 is an ever-increasing mass standing> in firm support of Palestinians, rath=
er than their colonizers.> > In Palestine, the Palestinian struggle for lib=
eration has developed> what can be called a =E2=80=9CPopular Cradle=E2=80=
=9D of resistance =E2=80=94 a state of unity> and cohesion that has develop=
ed between the Palestinian armed> resistance and broader Palestinian societ=
y. That =E2=80=9Cpopular cradle,=E2=80=9D as> the Palestinian Youth Movemen=
t has so aptly described it, has worked> as an organ of the liberation stru=
ggle by conceptualizing resistance> as both a normal and necessary state of=
 being. This has led to a> reality where the resistance is sustained by the=
 masses themselves,> who support them and readily accept the consequences o=
f their> continued fight for liberation.> > That armed struggle, a material=
 necessity, is reaping material> results, even in spite of mass violence, c=
rackdowns, and a campaign of> outright genocide. In Gaza specifically, that=
 very struggle in no> small part led to the withdrawal of Zionist settlers =
from the> territory which forced Zionist planners to rework how they went a=
bout> their occupation of Gaza. The struggle has kept Israeli Occupation> F=
orces from entering Jenin and other refugee camps across historic> Palestin=
e without serious consequence. In many ways, the resistance> struggle has b=
een a key element of continued Palestinian survival.> > Moving past the que=
stion> > The question of whether we condemn Hamas is more than just a quest=
ion> of condemnation. At its core, we are being asked to disavow decolonial=
> violence altogether =E2=80=94 to support Palestinians only when they are>=
 perfect victims or only when the groups waging liberatory struggle> align =
with the values of our ideologies and fraternal parties. It is a> question =
that acts as a trap and misses the point entirely.> > We cannot make the mi=
stake of engaging seriously with such an> obfuscation. It is on us, especia=
lly those of us on the Left, to> understand that the core driver of the vio=
lence we are seeing is and> always has been Zionist settler colonialism. Th=
is cycle of violence is> perpetuated not by the colonized, as they seek to =
liberate themselves> from the state of total subjugation and brutal reality=
 of genocidal> liquidation, but by the Zionist project and those advancing =
its> interests.> > The question we have to ask ourselves, and indeed answer=
, is not> whether we condemn Hamas, but whether we condemn a settler coloni=
al> regime that makes armed struggle necessary for survival.> > https://mon=
doweiss.net/2024/06/do-you-condemn-hamas/> > > But when "armed struggle" de=
volves into the widespread raping of women and hostages, the assault and mu=
rder of infants, and on and on and on...it's impossible to have any sympath=
y for the usually masked bunch of non-uniformed thugs doing it. These same =
thugs have send thousands and thousands of rockets onto Israeli soil, not t=
o mention causing dozens of suicide bombers to blow up buses usually full o=
f non-combatants such as women and children. So, now that Israel had said, =
in effect, ENOUGH IS ENOUGH, I fully support Israel's ongoing Gaza initiati=
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